Random Reflections — Shankar Pathak

Book Review

By Prof(Ms) Vidya Rao

1. Title of the Book: Social Policy, Social Welfare and Social Development

Author : Shankar Pathak (2013 SPSWSD)

Date of publication of revised abridged edition: 2013, pages 224

Publisher: Niruta Publications, Bengaluru ISBN 978-81-923424-7-4

Price: Rs 500/-

And

2. Title of the Book: Social Work and Social Welfare – A Historical Cultural

Perspective

Author : Shankar Pathak (2014 SWSW)

Date of publication of revised abridged edition: 2014, pages 340

Publisher: Niruta Publications, Bengaluru ISBN 978-81-923326-6-6

Price: Rs 245/-

Introduction

The first book (2013 SPSWSD) being reviewed consists of a selection of Pathak’s articles published elsewhere between 1979 to1987. Only the Chapter 9 on planned development was written for the book under review. In this book, Pathak goes to great lengths to clarify basic concepts - social change, structural change, social structure, social system, social institution, social development and planned development in the first six chapters. The discussion brings out the complex relationships between social policy, social development, social welfare and economic growth. The three levels of changes - societal structural, institutional and organizational change explained with examples are particularly useful for those who want to understand the sources of change. Linkage between individual level changes and institutional, organizational and societal structural changes receive author’s attention in his discussion on two Gandhian concepts - ‘sarvodaya’ and antyodaya’. The author discusses the theories behind each concept in simple easily understandable language. The theories of social change –evolution, westernization, modernization, urbanization and industrialization etc are explained lucidly. Current debates around post-modernism and other theories are discussed at the end of a chapter just to inform the readers that reader must update his/her aware of contemporary debates.

Books written by Indian social work educators on the themes are rare. After almost three decades a book on the themes that I have been teaching for as many years has been published. Though I have all the masala, I have to confess that I have not a book on these themes to my credit except reading material collected as compendia for persuading students to read. When I received the two books for review I was excited to find that the author’s perspectives concur with mine. And Pathak has done a wonderful job of putting theory undergirding social policy, social welfare and social work in Indian context.

Both the two books are MUST READ for faculty teaching MSW students to be able to convey conceptual clarity about and linkages between Social Policy, Social Legislation, Social Reform, Social Welfare, Social Development, Social Planning and Social Work profession and practice, especially because the aim of social work is to achieve its vision of equality and social justice for all.

Comparative study of social policy in developing countries is of recent vintage. Pathak’s contribution is valuable to remind the current generation of Indian social work educators and budding social workers that social work profession’s vision is to bring about social structural change by minimizing unconscionable disparities. Author compares evolution of social welfare across the historical periods. The two books under review are substantive contribution to the linkages and role of social work in social policy, social welfare and social work. Further, the two books are fine examples of inter-disciplinary nature of social work body of theoretical knowledge. Pathak does full justice to the themes by using socio-political historical approach to say that social work has shaped and has been shaped by social reforms and internal and external sources of epochal political and economic changes. Pathak’s finnes with which details and cogency are made and the effort put in by him at an advanced age is deeply appreciated.

Pathak wrote on the themes of the two books under review at different times. It would have been better to have combined both the books and rearranged the sequence of chapters to maintain logical argument and look at the evolution of Indian social welfare system holistically. The reviewer jumps from one book to the other in an effort to look at the evolution of Indian social work profession in relation to social philosophy, theories of social change, social reform, social development, social policy and social welfare. Reviewer takes full responsibility for jumping from one book to the other to maintain the linkages from her perspective.

Foundations of social work

The first book Social Policy, Social Welfare and Social Development (SPSWSD 2013 hereafter) deals with external and internal sources of change and how they impact society and individuals. Knowledge about sources of change is the basic foundation for understanding Social Policy, Social Welfare and Social Development. Besides Pathak mentions how socialization in the family, schools, religion including criminal justice system act as regulatory mechanisms to control social behaviour of individual members. The institutions’ resistance to change indicates the autonomous status of each of the interdependent institutions.

The End Note of chapter 1 in the first book SPSWSD 2013 is a summary of the disenchantment with Marxist Communist ideas about social change. It has been included because Marxist framework is helpful to understand who gains and looses in the processes of social change for social work professionals and enables them to take pro-poor stand on social issues arising from social development. However, he opines that much of the existing knowledge and strategies of social workers are limited to organizational change. It is essential for social work professionals to study social change from a political economy perspective.

In the second chapter of the second book SWSW 2014 Pathak discusses theoretical framework for the study of social welfare. Comprehensive social transformation of society aims at achieving equality and liberty goals. Pathak goes on to categorically state that a general theory about comprehensive social transformation does not exist. According to him only Marxist framework comes closest to a general theory of comprehensive social transformation. Marxist theory emphasizes class conflict as inevitable for achieving comprehensive social transformation of society. Use of conflict and coercion is antithetical to Indian cultural spiritual heritage, Gandhian principles and values cherished by social work professionals.

Pathak opines that professional social work is a product of social democracy. Social democracy resists extreme inequality at the same time does not advocate absolute economic equality either. Like liberalism, social democracy belongs to the tradition of a limited state, and is based on political, civil and social liberties. Yet social democracy does go somewhat beyond liberalism as generally understood, according to Pathak. Indian social democrats have been most resistant to authoritarian rule. If the state is to be an engine of progress, governments must be both accountable and competent. It is this virtue that makes social democracy an important ally of liberalism. But social democracy does not propose to supplant capitalism.

Pathak thinks that the ideology undergirding Indian social work education and practice is eclectic. Moral and ethical aspects of pro-poor social work education and practice in India are important. Gandhi (2014: Chapter 15) did not endorse use of violence for bringing about comprehensive transformation of the hierarchical Indian society. Gandhian ideas of ‘sarvodaya’ and ‘antyodaya’ – individual enlightenment, emancipation, and ‘satyagraha’- non-violent civil disobedience are aimed at appealing to the conscience, good sense and intensions of the vested interests and the ruling elite to be inclusive. Gandhi’s methods of bringing about comprehensive social transformation were far sighted and sustainable. On the other hand, Fabian ideas about ‘welfare state’ require extensive state intervention. Gandhi’s concepts of ‘Ram Rajya’, ‘Swaraj’ and trusteeship reveal wariness about extensive state intervention in promoting general well-being of people. However Gandhian ideas could not be put into practice in the context of Nehruvian state orchestrated nation building, democracy and development after independence due to enormity of the problems of poverty, inequality and resource constraints. Pathak opines that viability of adopting welfare state policies in developing societies was obviously impractical.

Chapter 9 of the first book SPSWSD 2013 on India’s Planned Development is the longest chapter – 48 pages. Detailed treatment of social sectors – social service, social welfare, rural development, education, health services and poverty reduction programmes over the twelve Five Year Plans is informative and analytical. This chapter is valuable for understanding how Indian social welfare system evolved after independence and for critiquing public welfare policies from pro-people pro-poor perspectives.

Social Work Profession vis-à-vis Polity

On polity, Pathak (2013:168-177) says that democratic republican form of government based on universal adult franchise has not been a complete success nor a failure in India. India was one of the first newly independent countries to adopt democracy upon attaining independence. Democratization raised hopes that the new government would be more attentive to peoples’ social welfare needs. Prior commitments had created constituencies and had generated demands on the incoming democratically elected government. Status of the economy and its organization at the time exerted a crucial inﬂuence on social welfare policy, particularly the ﬁscal capacity of the state to sustain the prior welfare commitments.

Taking an overview of sixty nine years of planned development, Pathak (2013: 145-117) regrets the destruction of forests, the damage to the environment and commercialization of agriculture that began during the colonial rule have exacerbated over exploitation of common natural resources, damaged bio-diversity, harmed human survival due to dangerous emissions of harmful gases, pollution of air, land and water resulting climate change, which in turn has increased morbidity and reduced productivity. Pathak says that social work profession has failed to appreciate these issues due to its reluctance to understand the implications of neo-liberalism, privatization and globalization on democracy.

He cites degeneration of identity politics, weakened political executive, encroachment of executive functions by judiciary, bludgeoning pendency of court cases and corruption among judges as disturbing trends in Indian democracy. Public Interest Litigation, Right to Information, right to services and electoral reforms are some of the innovative measures to restore public confidence in democracy, judiciary, governance and government. Professional social workers are yet to inquire into the impact of these innovations on government accountability.

Pathak (SPSWSD 2013:chapter 8:118-144) elaborates the way professional social workers can question reliability of data generated by government agencies and research methods used by economists to challenge the conclusion that poverty is on the decline in India. To Pathak, social work profession should play the role of permanent opposition party in Indian democracy to voice the concerns of the people in the margins. Pathak shows that multi-dimensionality of poverty lends itself to analysis of incidence of poverty from different dimensions. He argues that even if poverty is declining, disparities have increased since the 1990s. Disparity – inequality is as unacceptable as massive poverty because disparities can potentially trigger social tension and political unrest in a fragmented society. He has shown that social work can contribute to the processes of constructing and using both quantitative and qualitative tools of analysis for influencing policy makers at different phases of social policy (page 145 – 193) making and implementation processes because social work is located in the interstitial spaces between people and the government and is able to point out exclusions and inclusions.

Comparing income levels of bottom 20% of population with the top 20% over a decade using simple percentages he highlights increasing disparities in SPSWSD 2013. Taking tax returns filed by the rich, Pathak shows that income of rich grew rapidly after reforms. He shows that inequality during ‘reform era’ increased by citing the increasing number of billionaires in the country. Taking another perspective, he shows increase in black money and how it has been used to manipulate democratic processes. Poverty alleviation through subsidy is a method of transferring money directly from the rich to the poor. By citing annual growth rate of subsidies, he also shows how most subsidies are availed by the undeserving. Share of social services meant for the vulnerable is less than the subsidized services enjoyed by the rich. Further, he points out that corruption eats into subsidies meant for the poor.

Taking up another dimension, benefits meant for the poor from the central schemes implemented by the states become unavailable to the beneficiaries because the states do not contribute their share (SPSWSD 2013). So, funds allotted by both the central and state governments for a programme do not get spent and lapse. This way the very objectives of the central government poverty reduction programmes are displaced. The central and the state governments’ expenditure on social sectors have been declining. Sector wise actual expenditure of the center and the state governments has also been declining. Per capita expenditure of the state governments on social sectors has also been on the decline. Drawing attention to the actual expenditure against allocation, central and state combined actual expenditure on social services as a proportion of total expenditure has not kept pace with population growth and inflation.

Inter-sectoral allocation in social services when compared, allocations for the entire education sector have decreased; within that, elementary education received little more than higher education; rural sanitation received more than potable water supply. In planned development, introduction of new schemes amounts to old wine in new bottle. This has become euphemism for surreptitiously reducing overall allocation on public goods without alerting the skeptics. Most of the schemes after 1990s were sharply targeted on beneficiaries falling below poverty line. Under-utilization of allocation, considerable overlap, corruption and wastage do not receive the attention they deserve from professionals, according to Pathak. Parhak says that preparation of social work professionals has been inadequate to take pro-poor stand and negotiate based on evidence with the policy makers.

Pathak feels that diluting concentration of political power, support for reservation and recognizing the problems in implementation of welfare programmes are few positive signs that give some hope to the vulnerable and the marginalized. He opines that women’s status, status of SCs ST have improved in some ways but not in all respects. More changes are required regarding legal protection of vulnerable groups, feminization of poverty, honour killing, sexual assaults on women, atrocities on SCs and STs, social security of unorganized workers in the informal sectors of the economy, and denial of rights of third gender etc. High growth model has been ecologically and financially unsustainable. Despite impressive progress in science and technology there has been little or no increase in employment. The SCs, the STs and the OBCs have benefitted to some extent. But the hard core poor forming one third of population have been left out.

Knowledge Utilization in Professional Social Work

On the subject of knowledge utilization in social work practice in the Appendices in the first book (SPSW&SD:2013 :195- 197), he addresses conceptual issues that may be hindering social workers from utilizing research in practice. By referring to the potential use of research in social work professional practice, he indicates the lacunae in social work professionalism. In Appendix I (2013) Phatak discusses role of professional social work vis-à-vis social justice. Social work professionals speak like radicals but act like conservatives. To Pathak, pure cerebral (rational) response is sterile and pure emotional response is ineffective. Being fair is not being neutral. Pathak thinks professional social workers should be political missionaries - take a stand and be fair in taking care of the welfare needs of a diverse population.

Appendix II (2013:198-216) contains pieces by different scholars on different aspects of India’s development. This collection of quotations brings out the ideological beliefs and inclinations of the scholars. Pathak points out some of the difficulties faced in generating evidence for evidence based intervention strategies. Some of the difficulties are i) inability to develop innovative analytical tools for measuring multi-dimensional qualitative aspects of poverty, ii) problems in using official statistics to be able to indicate the magnitude and complexities of poverty, iii) problems of sponsored research, iv) challenges in utilizing research for designing innovative social welfare programmes, v) politics in defining caste, class etc categories, and vii) planning social welfare from social development perspective etc

Appendix III (2013:217-223) contains statistical profiles – GDP, poverty levels, disparity, economic growth and human development, central government expenditure on social sectors etc. Apart from the statistical profiles, Pathak has given sources of official aggregate data which professionals can access. There are important understandings to be gained from the knowledge utilization field which spans more than six decades of interdisciplinary research. Discourse about the research-to-practice gap in social work has tended to focus on the feasibility of evidence-based practice in India. Despite the recent movement towards greater use of research in many areas of social work practice, criticism persists that decision making in practice is seldom informed by sound research evidence.

Social Welfare and Social Work

The second book (2014 SWSW) contains seventeen chapters. Parts of author’s earlier books - Social Welfare: An Evolutionary and Developmental Perspective 1981 and Social Welfare and Family Planning in India 1979 have been revised and updated for this volume under review. Part one titled Social Policy and Social Welfare – a social historical perspective contains eight chapters. Part two titled Social Work Profession and Practice – a cultural perspective contains nine chapters.

As changes in feudal agrarian communal ownership of social resources and kinship relations became institutionalized and became part of the social structures, simple social relations became complex. Introduction of Zamindari system during the colonial rule, for instance, resulted in exploitation of landless tenant cultivators. When the Zamindari system was abolished after independence and later some of the subsistence farming changed to commercial agriculture agrarian relationships changed again. As family was no longer able to perform welfare functions, the need for new organizational and occupational arrangements for providing welfare services arose. Pathak observes that this change led to charity as an ideology; earlier charity was a religious sanction.

Both social structure and state influence one another. Social welfare is a component of the social structure. It must be kept in mind that the Indian nation-state as we know it today did not exist prior to the arrival of the European colonizers. Indian nation-state was not a single territorial entity even under the colonizers. The Indian nation-state as we know it today came into existence only after independence from colonial rule. The nature, goals and functions of the social welfare institutions in the regions ruled by different rulers were determined by the unique economic, political and social welfare demands made on the rulers. Pathak has selectively high lighted important commonly known social welfare measures introduced by different rulers. Pathak attempts to show that the social welfare system is deliberately designed to meet the requirements of the ruling class.

The 1^st Chapter in the second book (SWSW:2014:11-14) introduces the rationale and approach to study the evolution of a social welfare system. Second chapter (SWSW 2014:15-32) titled ‘Towards a Theoretical Framework for the study of Social Welfare’ is an important piece. Social work faculty and students are unaware of the theories and frequently use concepts loosely. Discussion in the chapter clarifies concepts and theories related to Social Policy, Social Reform, Social Welfare, Social Development, Social Planning, Social Work profession and practice. The discussion puts together socio-political, historical facts to show the embeddedness of the social welfare system in civil society.

In chapters 3 to 7 (SWSW:2014:33-155), he traces the foundations of the current Indian social welfare system laid by the religious movements, missionaries, social reformers, saints, philosopher kings and intellectuals beginning from the Vedic period. Emergence of Buddhism (SWSW:2014:38-42) was a revolt against the mediation by Brahmins and their excessive ritualism. Ahimsa a major Buddhist ethico-religious doctrine was helpful to make the ruling class appear humane. However, Pathak opines that Buddhism failed to bring about equality as a social norm. Akbar a Mogul King had adopted policy of equal respect for all religions - recognized as ‘secular’ state today. It was king’s prerogative to install a welfare system. It is clear that religious fervour has been the wellspring of humanitarian ideas and action during pre-colonial period.

Christian Missionaries were allowed to carry on social service activities by the rulers – both native and colonizers. They advocated against infanticide, polygamy, superstition, practice of abandoning sick old widowed persons, inhumane punishment meted out to women for not observing dress code, inhumane treatment of leprosy affected persons and such other practices. Missionaries encouraged establishment of shelters for orphans, travelers and penitents.

Initially the East India Company, later the British government introduced western system of medicine primarily for their own officers; and later the natives in their employ were allowed to access western medicine on a limited scale. Missionaries offered English education for all, including lower castes and women contrary to the then prevalent practices. Ideas of individualism, liberty and equality were introduced to natives through the missionaries’ activities. Pathak maintains that emergence of Brahmo Samaj was a direct result of the Christian missionaries’ social activism.

Social reformers considered Indian philosophies and codes of social behaviour for individuals orthodox. To Pathak (SWSW:2014:243-262) Karma theory of Hindus served the purpose of explaining away social inequality. Western theories, philosophies and strategies stood for modernity. Main elements of the middle class values in the 20^th century were individualism, liberty and equality. The principle of equality was understood as social equality rather than economic equality. Caste restrictions on the choice of occupation, absence of social mobility and rigidity of educated middle class proved to be hurdles to meet the needs of growing aspirations of the upwardly mobile traditional land owning elite says Pathak.

Pathak (2014:75-132) observes that most of the social reforms were limited to the Indian elite during colonial rule. Due to extreme pre-occupation with upper caste women’s issues, social reformers lacked emotive power to generate broad based social change. And social reformers turned a blind eye to the misery of the pauperized artisans and the peasantry. Pathak unfortunately pays little attention to the Rationalist, Dravidian and Backward Caste movements of south Indian peninsula.

Pathak groups the social reforms that happened during the direct rule by the British monarch after 1857 into three phases – i) individual reform phase – prohibition of child marriage, sati, promotion of women’s education etc ii) organizational phase - building railways, expansion of modern technical education, emergence of new elite (traders, employees, associates of the British), and integration of Indian economy with world market, expansion of industry, increased urbanization, increased mobility, emergence of working class, beginning of trade union movement for the protection of Indian industrial workers, expansion of bureaucracy and emergence of new professions - lawyer, medical doctor, accountants, journalists, and iii) independence movement phase. Social reforms and missionaries’ work however could not stop the political struggle for independence from colonial rule.

Chapter 8 in Part I (SWSW:2014:156-172) summarizes the salient features of the welfare measures and social reforms initiated by different rulers described in the preceding seven chapters in an effort to provide linkages between social reform, social welfare and social work.

When looking at the past to understand the characteristics of the Indian social welfare system today, Pathak (2014:33-172) assumes that kings responded to welfare needs of their subjects only at the time of famine, crisis and/or battles between paramountacies. The social reforms and welfare activities of the missionaries portrayed by Pathak appears as if religion was the main motive for the adoption of welfare measures adopted by the ruling classes. To Pathak welfare activities of the kings was no more than paternalistic humanism. Giving dana as a part of the ethical code of social behaviour and it served to build solidarity and loyalty among the subjects. Pathak seems to imply that the rulers took little interest in promoting general welfare in the pre-colonial period. Pathak traces the ideology undergirding the social reforms and welfare systems of yester years to say that they have continued to inform the welfare systems even today.

Social Welfare during Freedom Movement

Gandhi’s (SWSW:2014:243-277) election as president of the Indian National Congress (INC) was a turning point in Indian politics at the time. Modern education and communication helped the INC to become a national mass political movement. Gandhi mobilized both peasants and factory workers; and this changed the social support base of the INC. The idea of India as a ‘nation-state’ and Indian nationalism gained strength by Gandhian mass political movement. Initial demand for political representation in government culminated into demand for complete freedom from the colonizers.

Gandhi was critical of untouchability, subjugation of women, neglect of education and low priority given to rural development. Pathak says Gandhi considered urban society exploitative. For Pathak, Gandhi symbolized integration of political and social reforms. Pathak finds synthesis of many strands of Indian heritage in Gandhian social action. Politics had become an extension of social action. Gandhian social action consisted of rural development, eradication of poverty, radical social transformation within individuals, community (sarvodaya) and minimizing the negative consequences of inequitable social order. The INC’s political agitation was in the form of satyagraha - fasting and street protests – non-violent civil disobedience. Though Gandhi’s approach to social reform was holistic, major criticism of Gandhi’s strategy was his identification with the dominant religious culture and traditions. This was not helpful for carrying everybody along even in his time.

Social Work Profession after Independence

Pathak traces socio-political history of some of the major policy decisions taken during the first three decades after independence. Decision to adopt democracy as the system for governance, state driven planned development, socialist pattern of economic growth and such other major decisions were taken in deference to preserving the integrity of the idea of India as a nation- state. Viewed from political economy perspective, the governing elites were amenable to provide social welfare services mainly to prevent fissiparous tendencies from raising their ugly head. The ruling class exposed to western values, sense of morality and fairness considered setting up a social welfare system their moral obligation, duty, and part of nation-building effort.

Social work profession had an opportunity to prove its utility while helping government rehabilitate refugees of India-Pakistan partition. But Indians and Indian government did not think formal professional education was necessary to do social work. Pathak says that a combination of Marxist, evolutionary and modernization theories is inadequate to explain the tremendous political churning that happened in the sub-continent during these initial decades after independence.

In their quest to become scientific and professional after independence, social workers were inward looking, says Pathak. Social work educators were preoccupied with debates on applicability of Karma Theory and other Indian philosophical tenets in professional practice in the late 1960s and early 1970s. In their efforts to find common ground between Gandhian constructive social work and professional social work in the 1960s and the 1970s professional social work discovered Gandhian modus operandi for transforming the hierarchical Indian society only after his assassination in 1948.

At the time India chose to be nonaligned in its foreign policy. Bilateral relationships between India and western countries were ambivalent. American government was keen on stalling the spread of Communism in newly independent countries. American government used development aid as a strategy to stall spread of Communism in India. As part of this strategy the American government offered food grains as development aid. Social work had already established itself as specialized profession in America (2014:187-198). In addition the American government also offered to develop a cadre of social development professionals to be of assistance in nation building activities of the newly formed Indian nation-state. Scholarly Indian social work literature was unavailable. So, American social work literature in use in that country at that time was prescribed to educate Indian development workers. It is in this context that American values, principles and methods percolated into Indian social work academia.

Pathak draws attention to the mismatch between the nature and the content of social work education (Pathak: 2014: 180-186) in India. While Indian culture gives importance to the collectives like the family, the caste and the community, imported American social work focused on helping individuals in difficulty. American professional social work tried to change the individual in difficulty by using Freudian Psychology and Psychiatry. American professional social work absolved all responsibility of community and society for the difficulties faced by individuals. And the demand was for social work cadre to ameliorate macro social problems such as mass poverty, unemployment, starvation and related problems. Pathak laments that social work profession in India is yet to come to terms with these dilemmas.

Beginning from the mid 1960s, independent Indian state started implementing several populist social welfare programmes on a massive scale. ‘Social welfare’ acquired different meanings at the hands of politicians who had to mobilize vote banks. To reach maximum number with minimum resources, the subject ‘social welfare’ was broken into many thematic categories located in over fifteen government departments at different levels of the bureaucracy. Jurisdictions of central and state governments were blurred (2014:173-186).

Following the power-resource approach, Pathak says to a large extent the critical political realignments between castes, communities, classes, ruling elite/state and other stake holders determined the nature and content of social welfare system that evolved in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Many overlaps created sufficient space for different political parties and interest groups to compete in siphoning off support bases from one another. And convergence of interventions of different departments of the government became a casualty. During this period there was phenomenal expansion of social welfare bureaucracy. Unfortunately professional social workers were in short supply. The few employed in government were overwhelmed by the democratic processes and were unable to channelize delivery of the benefits effectively. Unwittingly professional social workers in government became defensive, status quoists and statists beginning from the 1970s. Urban bias crept into the implementation of social welfare programmes that increased visibility of the governments’ efforts and the efforts of the governing elite. And populist social welfare programmes became a hand maiden in the hands of politicians.

Social work is political as social work is involved in redistribution of resources in an effort to reduce inequality, social injustice, bondage, caste/gender restrictions and educational backwardness. Politically social welfare system had the potential to serve as the cementing mechanism for maintaining social stability (status quo) and social control. In Part II, Pathak (SWSW:2014:187-206) looks at Indian social work profession from a socio-cultural perspective. Beginning from the mid 1960s the ruling elites started using social welfare system as a tool for building their support bases, for containing rebellion and for prioritizing competing demands for justice.

Participation of professional social work practitioners in development politics is to be welcomed because civil society initiatives and voluntary organizations (SWSW:2014:227-242) channelize and supplement government initiatives and do not substitute government’s welfare functions on the whole. Cumulative impact of these joint efforts has driven the state to be responsive to the needs of the marginalized to some extent and has served as an incentive for the marginalized to participate in the democracy and development processes after independence. These developments had stirred interest in indigenization of professional social work body of knowledge, principles, methods and techniques.

Social Welfare, Labour Welfare in Social Work Professional Education

After the 1^st World War import of manufactured goods from Britain was stopped; this protection of goods made in India provided fresh stimulus to and expansion of industries. In 1920 -48 period most industries in its Indian territory were owned by British (2014:187-197).

Under pressure from some of the progressive British administrators, British industrialists, Fabian socialists, Indian philanthropists and trade union leaders several labour welfare laws were enacted and labour welfare programmes were initiated. Due to the pressure Pathak notes, the colonial government was more active in the field of welfare of the industrial workers (labour welfare) from the early decades of 1880s. According to Pathak welfare of the industrial workers resulted in better working conditions for them at that time. But agricultural labour was left high and dry. In this period urban working class movement was politically and economically a major force.

After independence government was required simultaneously to focus on economic growth, food self-reliance, self-reliance in defense and nation building tasks. Though welfare bureaucracy had expanded, government jobs in social welfare per se were available only to those social work graduates who cleared civil service examinations. Comparatively, it was easier for social work graduates with labour welfare specialization to find decent employment as Labour Welfare Officers in industries and in government labour welfare departments. Pathak rightly holds that in the initial stages, the values and principles of labour welfare and personnel management in MSW programme were in tune with social work vision of a just society. Eventually MSW programme with labour welfare specialization became a money spinner for colleges, a tool in the hands of capitalist owners of industry and elected political leaders to quell unrest among unionized industrial workers.

In the 1980s, it was noticed that the values and principles of business enterprises based on profit making objectives were at variance with the values and principles of social work and the non-profit social welfare system. Despite the contradiction, Personnel Management and Industrial Relations (known as Labour Welfare specialization) continues to be the bread and butter for many colleges till date. Pathak laments, though the unorganized informal labour forms nearly 98% of the work force in the country and has no or only episodic social security cover, social work education and profession have not shifted their focus to the social protection of the under served unorganized informal workers. In the process public image of professional social work got sullied. The urban middle class and some sections of blue-collar workers enjoy access to relatively generous systems of public protection today; but the social welfare systems in India offer minimal social protection to peasants and unorganized workers in informal-sector.

After the Constitution and the policy of planned development were adopted in1950 by Indian nation-state, Pathak cites important Articles in the Directive Principles of the Constitution to argue that though Indian state aspired to become a welfare state, the concepts ‘welfare state’ ‘social welfare’ find no mention in the Constitution. Having subscribed to socialistic pattern of economy, the government was expected to play a major role in providing welfare for all, specifically for the weaker sections.

Some of the welfare measures that are part of the social welfare systems today are legacies inherited from the past. Pathak seems to suggest that the government and the ruling classes failed to protect the unorganized work force from risks. Labour Welfare specialization within social work profession also failed to hold government accountable for its failure to protect the unorganized workers.

Social Work Profession

In the ninth and tenth chapters (SWSW:2014:173-206), Pathak examines the linkages between social welfare and social work profession in India. Tracing the checkered history of Indian social work profession, Pathak attempts to clarify meaning of ‘profession’, ‘professionalization’ and ‘professional’. In the short eleventh and twelfth chapters Pathak (SWSW:2014:215-226) includes former colleagues’ views about what is ‘profession’. This clarification about ‘profession’ will be useful to the current generation of social work students and practitioners who aspire to secure employment.

Pathak (2014:227-242) refers to a common perception about professional social workers working in VOs. People think employment in VOs to mean those who work in them receive no remuneration. But professionals receive salary from the VOs employing them. Being paid for social work is suspect in the land of Ambedkar and Gandhi; they are looked upon as mercenaries. Hence Pathak feels it may be better to refer to VOs as non-government organizations (NGOs) to avoid public misunderstanding of professional social workers as mercenaries.

Based on available Indian social work literature Pathak cites weak professional consciousness, ineffective lobbying and conspicuous silence on important issues concerning welfare and protection of human rights of the disadvantaged as the reasons for the failure of the profession in securing statutory status. In their quest for decent employment, Pathak observes that social work graduates manage to enter academia without much hands-on field work experience. Pathak says social work has ceased to be a practice-led profession. And he also suggests that social work as a discipline is at best a semi-profession.

Pathak opines that the country will always need independent organizations and individuals to act as watchdogs, ethical vanguards, conscience keepers and advocates of the under-represented and the under served. Professional social work has the potential to provide the value addition to the changing relationships between state, market and civil society initiatives; and by harnessing its power and influence to create trust, social capital and facilitate social action across sectors. On the whole, Pathak conveys that a particular challenge for professional social workers in NGOs is to balance the emerging roles of facilitator, enabler and a challenger of hegemony, while adapting to the rapidly shifting contexts of technology-driven uncertain world.

NGOs and Social Work Profession

After painting a dismal picture of Indian social work profession’s future, the thirteenth chapter (SWSW:2014:227-242) is an attempt to look at the relationship between professional social work and the voluntary sector in the Indian social welfare system. This chapter is disappointing. To begin with Pathak looks at the Indian voluntary sector only from the perspective of sustainability, replicability and scalability of NGOs’ work. Viewed as transient entities professional social workers take employment in NGOs only as a stepping stone. NGOs are flexible and responsive but not good paymasters.

Professional social workers in NGOs/voluntary organizations have played and continue to play different roles - Advocate: raising awareness of societal issues and challenges for advocating change; Service provider: delivering services to meet societal needs such as education, health, food and security etc; Implementer: disaster preparedness, emergency response and management of relief; Expert: bringing unique knowledge and experience to shape policy and intervention strategy, and finding solutions; Capacity builder: providing education, training and other capacity building services; Incubator: developing innovative solutions that may require a long gestation period; Representative: giving power to the voice of the marginalized and under-represented; Citizenship champion: encouraging citizen engagement and lobbying for the rights of citizens; Solidarity supporter: promoting fundamental and universal values of mutual help and collective social action; Definer of standards: creating norms that shape market and state activity and Watchdog: holding institutions to account, promoting transparency and accountability. Recognizing that no one organization or sector alone can solve major societal challenges, these roles have been and are increasingly being carried out by NGOs in partnerships with stakeholders from business, government and international organizations.

Pathak identifies the factors that may change the role of voluntary organizations in the future as: 1) availability of sources and levels of funding; 2) fissiparous social and political implications of increasing access to technology; 3) extent and types of citizen engagement with societal challenges; 4) state of global and regional geopolitical stability and global integration of markets; 5) effect of environmental degradation and climate change on populations; and 6) level of public trust in governments, businesses, international organizations and NGOs.

The role of the social work profession in the Indian welfare system has depended largely on the extent to which stake holders (especially government) have been willing to accommodate public demand for social welfare services and make political space for NGOs. Political space for voluntary sector has expanded and/or shrunk from time to time depending on the critical political alignments and realignments between castes, communities, classes, ruling elite, the state and the fissiparous forces. Origin and growth of voluntary sector in Indian provinces have been episodic and uneven. Most are located in urban centers.

India was one of the first newly independent countries to adopt democracy upon attaining independence. Countries in the Asian region democratized much later. Democratization raised hopes that the new government would be more attentive to peoples’ social welfare needs. However after independence prior welfare commitments have had important ﬁscal implications for the succeeding elected governments in the Indian democracy. The past policies and/or their absence have created constituencies and generated demands on the incoming democratically elected governments.

Pathak has paid little attention to the embeddedness of NGOs in society and its implications for professional social work education and practice. Rao (2014) is of the opinion that competitive caste and electoral politics have facilitated proliferation of NGOs in Tamil Nadu. Competitive caste and electoral politics has resulted in sharing of political power amicably between different castes in Tamil Nadu. Proliferation of NGOs has increased the demand for professionally educated social workers. And foreign funders in Tamil Nadu have supported NGOs employing professionals and in producing indigenous body of social work knowledge.

Another important issue pertains to the regulation of NGOs by the state. In recent times, external factors such as threats to national security have required the government to tighten its control over NGOs’ activities. Main issues concerning government- NGO relations are funding, transparency and accountability. Flow of financial support to NGOs has reduced to a trickle since the mid 1990s. Some NGOs have had to take up government contracts to continue to survive. As long as NGOs receive government grants and/or contracts, government is in a position to regulate them directly. But NGOs having their own sources of support can only be indirectly regulated by the government. Social work profession in India is yet to take a stand on the issue of constriction of political space for NGOs to function. NGOs have been loosing their autonomy, zeal and spontaneity due to over regulation since the1990s. Pathak has not paid much attention to this aspect though he covers the history of professional social work till 2012.

Indigenous Social Work

In fourteenth and fifteenth chapters (SWSW:2014) Pathak engages in a tenuous discussion on the applicability of Karma theory, the philosophy contained in Bhagavad Gita, the epics Mahabharatha and Ramayana. Pathak discusses Gandhian idea of ‘sarvodaya’ in an effort to provide Indian perspective of professional social work education and practice. The discussion may be informative to those who are not familiar with Indian cultural heritage, customs, manners, philosophy and epics.

Sixteenth chapter is devoted to a brief discussion on the role of social work in social development. Using examples Pathak tries to explicate ‘social development’ and economists’ use of the term ‘development’ supposedly from Indian perspective. The clarification of ‘social development’ can be enriching, especially for students with little or no social science background.

Social historic approach adopted by Pathak brings out the complexity of the interaction between the economic growth and social development issues. And it is important to note that Pathak has not dwelt on Ambedkar and relevance of his thoughts to professional social work in any depth. This is a glaring gap in tracing the values and principles of indigenous social work.

One caveat - readers should be careful in understanding the generalizations Pathak tends to make about Indian nation-state. Indian nation-state as we know it today did not exist during pre-colonial and colonial periods. Nation building is still in progress even after sixty nine years of independence.

Social welfare policies cannot be promoted without reference to their impact on economic development and vice versa. The territory of social welfare policy has greatly widened, with mixed results. Inter-disciplinary nature of social policy, social legislation, social planning, social reform, social development, social welfare and professional social work demands at least perfunctory knowledge of social science theories. On the whole the two books provide glimpses of cultural, social and historical foundations of Indian social welfare system and professional social work.

Random Reflections — Shankar Pathak

Tuesday, December 19, 2017

Prof Shankar H Pathak : 09.06.1930 - 19.12.2017

Monday, February 27, 2017

Book Review By Prof(Ms) Vidya Rao

Wednesday, June 15, 2016

Prof. Shankar Pathak - TISStory - Tata Institute of Social Sciences

Wednesday, April 20, 2016

Social Work Literature – Some Historical Facts